[No. 4 Contents | JAST Homepage]
Many postmodern writers who denounce and renounce established cultural
and artistic canons, on aesthetic as well as ideological grounds, point out
that literature does more than solely reflect repressive societal conditions,
and that, in fact, at various stages in the development of modern civilization,
works of literature significantly contributed to the creation of such conditions,
by giving artistic legitimacy to the dominant worldview. The most often quoted
example of this phenomenon is the way in which nineteenth-century realistic
fiction promoted the rationalistic/scientistic worldview intrinsic to the ideology
of capitalism.
Today, such confluence of politics and poetics is especially evident
in those postmodern texts which focus attention on their own medium and investigate
their condition as constructed artifacts, written by authors recognizing the
mutually constitutive character of language and social relationships. Significantly,
aesthetic and ideological implications of contemporary language-centered literature
do not merely form an interpretive issue, but also a practical concern for many
of the writers themselves. Developing their rule-of-thumb theories of writing,
these writers often think in terms of ideology and politics. To illustrate this
point, I refer in this article to the theoretical/polemical writings of some
radically innovative, oppositional authors associated with American postmodernism
who, apart from being creative writers, have engaged extensively in debates
about what one of them has called "the politics of language" (Sukenick,
"Eight Digressions"). Then, in the second part of the article, I point
to certain striking similarities and equally striking differences between postmodern
American language-centered literature and the Polish language-centered poetry
of the 1960s and 1970s, in the belief that this has ramifications for the conceptualization
of postmodernism as a purely American, and more generally Western, trend.
Ronald Sukenick, a novelist and one of the chief spokesmen for the
new fiction in America, published his first novel,Up, in 1968, the year in
which waves of social unrest swept not only through the United States but also
through several European countries on both sides of the Iron Curtain. Writing
from the inside of the postmodern movement, he has practiced writers', or "intellectual"
(as opposed to academic), criticism which, although not informed by any particular
ideology, regards writing from the vantage of ideological preconception based
on values the writer wishes to promote. As a storyteller, he admits, he has
tried to "break down standard form in fiction in order to reach beyond literary artifice to actual experience"
("Experiment and Experience: My Life in Fiction" 15). Like Sukenick,
Charles Bernstein explicitly states that he is "interested in understanding art ideologically, that is, in terms of social considerations,"
believing that "rather than thinking of individual artists and what they have in their minds to do, it may be more valuable to think of how artworks reflect struggles and conditions that exist in the society or culture as a whole"
("Socialist Realism or Real Socialism?" 414-415). As a leading member
of the L=A=N=G=U=A=G=E movementa movement which, as Marjorie Perloff points
out, "arose as an essentially Marxist critique of contemporary American capitalist society on behalf of young poets who came of age in the wake of the Vietnam War and Watergate"
("The Word as Such: L=A=N=G=U=A=G=E Poetry in the Eighties" 232)--Bernstein
colors his outstanding theoretical essays with the rhetoric of what he calls
"rehermeneuticized" Marxism (to distinguish such criticism, he insists,
from "infantile forms of Marxist thought" ["Three or Four Things
I Know about Him" 20]).
The value of Sukenick's and Bernstein's polemical writings lies not only
in the pointedness of their observations and the audacity of their propositions,
but also in their ability to demonstrate, through their use of particular modes
of analytical discourse, that, as the latter argues, "style and form are as ideological as content and interpretation"
("Living Tissue/Dead Ideas" 368). Regarding writing as a form of critical
thought commensurable with, and in many ways superior to, such conventional
knowledge-producing methods as scientific rationality, these two authors have
been engaged in investigating firstly, how language reflects and influences
the ways in which we see as well as understand physical and social reality;
and, secondly, how the form of discourse affects what can be said within it.
What particularly interests them is, on the one hand, how literature has been
used to promote and officialize the modern worldview, and; on the other, whether
writing can be used today to question and undermine the official doctrines of
modernity, and thus lead to radical transformations of contemporary reality
in its social, cultural, and artistic dimensions.
That literature can play an active role in the social struggle was spectacularly
exemplified by the battle between the academic and the Beat poets at the beginning
of the 1960s. As Sukenick observes, out of that battle a new vocabulary, new
rhythms, new forms, and new models of writing emerged; a whole new rhetoric
of rebellion that, he notes, "helped prepare and support the liberation movements of the sixties"
("Eight Digressions on the Politics of Language" 51). During that
decade, many writers became actively involved in the project of making people
aware of the appearance in contemporary American society of what Raymond Federman,
another leading exponent of the new fiction's language-centered poetics, calls
"the linguistic gap created by the disarticulation of the official discourse in its relation with the individual"
("Self-Reflexive Fiction or How to Get Rid of It" 25). One important
manifestation of this project has been the revival of "self-reflexiveness"
in postmodern fiction, which, Federman explains,
offers texts that are analogous to language, that reflect upon their own movement, and that function between social reality and subjectivity in order to undermine the illusory relationship between the two. It is no longer a question of representing or explaining or justifying American reality, but a question of denouncing the vehicle that expressed and represented that reality: discursive language and the traditional form of the novel. In other words, the New Fiction writers confront their own writing, insert themselves inside their own texts in order to question the very act of using language to write fiction, even at the risk of alienating the reader. ("Self Reflexive Fiction" 32)
Language is commonness in being, through which we see & make sense of & value. Its exploration is the exploration of the human common ground. The move from purely descriptive, outward directive, writing toward writing centered on its wordness, its physicality, its haecceity [thisness] is, in its impulse, an investigation of human self-sameness, of the place of our connection: in the world, in the word, in ourselves. ("Three or Four Things" 32)
By investigating the intrinsic connection that exists between writing
and thinking, and between language and knowledge, language-centered literature
clearly becomes involved in producing and conveying ideas; however, as Bernstein
notes, "not the ideas referred to . . . but the ideas produced by the mode of discourse"
("Living Tissue" 368). Language-centered writing's "ideological"
character in a way accounts for the resistance with which it meets; for, ideology,
like rhetoric, is frequently used as a pejorative term denoting "false consciousness."
Yet as Bernstein argues, such prejudice is unwarranted because all writing is
necessarily ideological, although not in the political but, rather, in the epistemological
sense. He explains: "There's no such thing as 'phenomena itself' apart from ideology. Ideology . . . has more the status of substance than do so-called objects, because it is the system through which we constitute objects"
("Socialist Realism" 417). That is why ideology should be regarded
as intrinsic to knowledge and understanding, its role in the constitution of
what we experience and come to know as reality being perhaps even more fundamental
than that of perception.
In this sense, then, the important question no longer is whether ideas
are the prerequisite or the product of perception, but how particular ideologies,
particular systems through which we constitute reality, interpose themselves
between the world and consciousness, thus defining the parameters of individual
experience and social communication. All ideologies, Bernstein points out, are
constituted by and in language, for "there are no thoughts except through language, we are everywhere seeing through it, limited to it but not by it"
("Stray Straws and Straw Men" 49). Consequently, since, as he observes,
"it is natural that there are modes, but there is no natural mode"
("Stray Straws" 49), all ideologies have the same ontological status.
What makes them different is how they employ language in the construction and
formulation of a discourse which articulates a given body of ideas. What also
makes them different is their awareness of, or readiness to acknowledge, the
fact that they are interest-guided and language-determined arbitrary constructs.
As Bernstein notes, in an attempt to totalize experience by devising
a universal scheme into which all phenomena fit, bourgeois ideology develops
a universal language and universal modes of discourse--epitomized by the novel
of social realism--which serve to perpetuate the view that ideas, like objects,
can be "caught and held," that is, adequately portrayed in language.
This "ideational mimesis" stands for the conviction that language
will obediently serve humankind as a tool for the description of the world and
his/her ideas about reality, thus securing his/her control of natural and social
phenomena as well as of his/her own psyche. The imposition upon discourse of
rationalistic, or bourgeois, rhetoric is, as Bernstein points out, "reflected by the historical movement toward uniform spelling and grammar, with an ideology that emphasizes nonidiosyncratic, smooth transition, elimination of awkwardness, &c,--anything that might concentrate attention on the language itself"
("Three or Four Things" 27).
The results of the word-effacing strategies of traditional writing are
clearly visible in much of contemporary popular literature which, as Sukenick
observes, is written in
a language and form that is standardized so that it can be merchandised to the largest number of people, that is hypnotic and diverting, drawing attention away from ordinary experience and into an anesthetic formula that is familiar and reassuring. Plot, character, verisimilitude, and U.S. Standard English, vendable to film companies and paperback houses which is where the big audience is, and the big money. ("Eight Digressions" 55)
From the point of view of the postmodern writer, the passive eagerness
with which the public consumes such homogenized and pasteurized experience,
packaged in prefabricated forms, clearly testifies to the lobotomizing effect
on society of what in Marxist terms could be called language and literature
in the capitalist stage of development. Obviously, then, the postmodern project
of restoring the severed link between literature and reality must involve in
the first place an attempt to take language out of the service of the establishment
and make it again a communality, a public domain. By trying to do so, postmodern
literature not only redeems its own authority as art, but, more importantly,
also becomes part of the broader social struggle.
Writers are particularly well-prepared to carry on this struggle. For,
although everybody is equally affected by the Establishment's politics of language,
writers, or at least some of them, both are more acutely aware of this fact
and have a much stronger, "professional," sense of responsibility
for counteracting the threat that the media, propaganda, clichs, the "literary,"
the brainwash of politics, and the mass market pose to experience by manipulating
and abusing language. As Sukenick asserts, we all live in language, but "only writers are free--only they know how to move into a more and more spacious syntax"
("Thirteen Digressions" 32-33).
The statement above of course sounds like a platitude, but its recontextualization
by a Marxist poet such as Bernstein raises the question of whether language-centered
writing and criticism are indeed postmodernism's unique response in our times,
in the field of language and linguistic arts, to the excesses of capitalism.
Reading the intrinsically demystifying and oppositional, or "countercultural,"
works of the L=A=N=G=U=A=G=E poets and such "surfictionists" as Sukenick
and Federman, I discover telling similarities between the historical context
out of which their works grew and the sociopolitical conditions which led to
the development of Polish culture since the Second World War. Could this possibly
have implications for our understanding of postmodernism as a genuinely American,
or Western, phenomenon?
For one thing, the term "postmodernism" is only beginning to
acquire currency in Poland, and then, mostly among art critics writing about
Western art. As a literary category, "postmodernism" is practically
meaningless, largely because the term relies so strongly on a referential connection
to modernism, another term which was never appropriated by Polish literary criticism.
Yet, it is a fact that sociocultural revolutions of the kind that America experienced
in the 1960s have almost become a Polish specialty (i.e., mass protests against
the communist system in 1956, 1970, 1976, and 1980), which suggests that one
could expect some typically "postmodern" phenomena to occur in Polish
culture despite the political, economic and social differences between Poland
and America.
Thomas Jefferson said that liberty to be preserved requires a revolution
every twenty years. In Poland, the incompleteness, or restrictedness, of freedom
under communism led to the occurrence of outbreaks of social discontent at even
shorter intervals. Significantly, under communism such protests were sparked
not only by political and economic oppressions, but also by cultural ones.
In 1949 the communist regime that had been installed established an ideologized
culture by declaring that socialist realism was the only mode through which
art could render itself socially useful. However, in 1956, the year of the Hungarian
uprising, violent workers' demonstrations in the Polish city of Poznan initiated
a de-Stalinization of the system that led to a liberalization of the government's
cultural policies. Thus, socialist realism was no longer the only sanctioned
style; and, although still not allowed to criticize the official ideology, art
could at last address other issues, including those concerning its own nature,
without being accused of social irresponsibility and subversiveness. Some artists
uncritically indulged in the new freedom to develop aestheticist attitudes,
and others began to investigate art's own nature and its relation to ideas and
experience. Self-reflexiveness became the hallmark of the poetry and fiction
of the so-called "Generation of '56."
Yet, after a decade of political stability, social minimalism, and aesthetic
formalism, the tide of public discontent began to rise again. Perhaps it was
merely a historical coincidence (although I do not think so) that in 1968, the
year in which anti-Establishment sentiments reached their climax in America
and France in violent demonstrations and clashes with the police, similar events
took place in Poland, not to mention the "Prague Spring" in Czechoslovakia.
In March of that year what initially seemed like a minor incident triggered
off a wave of student protest which swept through all major cities in Poland.
The incident in question was the government's decision to cancel the performance
of a play by Poland's greatest Romantic poet, Adam Mickiewicz, because the new
production subtly underscored certain episodes from the history of Polish-Russian
relations in the nineteenth century, in a way suggesting parallels between the
past and the present--Czarist Russia now being replaced by the Soviet Union. The
authorities' reaction was not only the start of a widespread use of violence
against demonstrators, but also a mudslinging campaign in the state-controlled
media. One day one was clubbed and arrested for showing opposition to the encroachments
of ideology into culture; the next day one read in the newspaper about hooligans
and Zionist agents trying to subvert social order by breaking shop windows,
burning garbage cans, and throwing stones at the police. The effect was like
that of pouring oil on the flames: demonstrations only increased in scale and
violence. Holding up burning newspapers, young people shouted on the streets
of Polish cities: "The press lies!"
"Law and order" were restored soon but the newly aroused awareness
of the impositions of ideology could not be wiped out. The direct outcome was
an outpouring in the following years of literary works which submitted to systematic
scrutiny the institutionalized, fetishistic language of the mass media and the
so-called "propaganda of success." The authors of those demystifying
works were soon identified as a movement, which came to be known as the New
Wave and the Generation of '68. Looking for a positive tradition to which they
could refer, these New Wave writers discovered important precursors in the so-called
"linguistic" poets from the Generation of '56. Their generically hybrid
works offered models of writing that were inherently anti-conventional, nonconformist,
or even anarchistic in the rejection of codified language and established writing
practices. The compositional strategies, stylistic devices, and formal solutions
used by those "linguists" called attention to language not as the
medium but as the content of writing, not as a tool for describing experience
but as a constitutive element of experience.
The experiential thrust of their poetry manifested itself in the extreme
empiricism of its referential content. Essentially narrative in character, "linguistic"
poems were often composed of verbal chunks of actual reality picked up by the
writer and quoted verbatim in the text, without any "poetic" processing.
They were "slices of life" in the form of overheard conversations
or anecdotes, newspaper clippings, fragments of TV and radio announcements,
popular slogans, stories remembered from childhood, and other linguistic trivia
that constitute the quotidian experience of contemporary urbanites.
The linguistic character of this poetry was also connected with the poets'
experimental--almost in the scientific sense--approach to language as a system of
signs inseparable from the system of thought which language reflects and determines.
For example, Miron Bialoszewski, one of the older poets studying the relation
of common sense to common language, demonstrated that both falsify experience
by reducing the most diverse phenomena to a set of logical, absolute, and universal
formulas that know no exception. Disguising his epistemological skepticism as
naivety, he applied in his works the rules of grammar and poetic diction with
relentless consistency, and exhibited the products of his ostensibly uncritical,
naive fidelity to the logic of cognitive empiricism and literary orthodoxy.
Predictably, the effect of his approach was a poetry full of deformed, mutilated
words, phrases and sentences--a poetry that resembled a child's language in all
lexical, semantic, and syntactic disintegrations. Relying exclusively on the
principle of analogy, he derived outrageous lexical and syntactic formations
which in their totalizing application of grammatical rules contradicted all
notions of logic and style.
The result, quite obviously, was frequently very comic, but the point
was not merely to entertain the reader by poking fun at the imperfectness of
language, at its helplessness in the face of the richness of phenomena which
it tries but so often fails to name and catalog. In the first place, by deriving
false analogies and etymologies, inventing grotesque neologisms, and delexicalizing
idiomatic expressions, colloquialisms, proverbs, clichs, "wise sayings,"
"literary" quotations, and so on, the poet demonstrated that meaning
is never univalent, that the referential scope of each word, syllable, letter
or sound is practically unlimited. Also, by assuming the posture of a childish,
home-bred investigator of language who in good faith follows closely prescribed
rules, he exposed the groundlessness of the presumptuous faith in the rationality
of both our world and our language, and in this way criticized all models of
thought which rely on reductionist analysis and deductive logic. Showing that
a word is an arbitrary sign which can be manipulated, Bialoszewski warned that
such manipulation does not always render the effect one seeks. At the same time,
demonstrating that decontextualized codification of the rules of language apart
from its usage impoverishes both language and experience, he underscored the
value of literary experimentation and innovation.
Encouraging reflection on the uses and abuses of language, on the authority
of reason, literary tradition and language itself, the "linguistic"
poetry that flourished in the wake of de-Stalinization offered to the young
writers of the New Wave of the late 1960s a model that was not merely artistically
more advanced, progressive, "more modern," but which could also be
used to teach resistance to the invisible persuasion of the media and official
history. Opening poetry up to the living, "unliterary" language of
the street and the workplace, New Wave poetry also investigated other semiotic
systems, such as those functioning in photographs, popular songs, posters, newspapers,
advertisements, and so on; systems which, as Roland Barthes observed, are easily
"mythologized." Demystifying their languages as tools of manipulation
and mind control, this poetry became a powerful tool in the social struggle.
The political relevance, or subversiveness, of New Wave writers was readily
recognized by both readers and the communist authorities, and throughout the
1970s many of these young "linguists" found getting their work published
increasingly difficult. It is hard to estimate exactly how instrumental the
New Wave was in stimulating dissent, but the popularity in the 1970s among students
and young intellectuals of such writers as Stanislaw Baranczak, Adam Zagajewski,
or Julian Kornhauser certainly was indicative of New Wave poetry's relevance.
For it was mostly students and young intellectuals, including many of the poets
themselves, who through their activities in various dissident movements played
such an important role in the emergence in 1980 of the Solidarity trade union.
As a literary movement, the Polish New Wave was clearly a product of
concrete, historical circumstances, emerging in reaction to the regime's socially,
economically, and culturally repressive policies in the late 1960s and 1970s.
Incorporating the epistemological skepticism of the previous generation of "linguistic"
poets into an activist poetic which placed ethics before aesthetics, New Wave
writers openly defied authority by exposing the impact of totalitarian ideologies
on language and literature. Their poems and novels were sometimes described
by hostile critics as avant-garde or experimental, but--and this will certainly
surprise many "postmodern-minded" American writers and readers--New
Wave authors presented themselves as traditionalists calling for a return in
Polish literature to realistic writing, writing whose experiential veracity
would be grounded in its linguistic empiricism.
Upon closer examination, however, this identification of experience with
language is indeed what many of the Polish New Wave poets share with the American
L=A=N=G=U=A=G=E and "surfiction" writers. Still, calling New Wave
poetry "postmodern" might be seen as stretching the similarity between
two rather distant literatures a little too far, especially since the meaning
of this term is, as used in the American context, limited by specific historical
and cultural factors. It should be noted, however, that some phenomena which
"postmodernism" encompasses, or at least alludes to, seem to be more
universal than the name itself. Different nations and societies speak different
languages and have different experiences, but they all experience reality through
and as language. If nothing else, the growing awareness of this fact in both
the West and in European post-communist countries may suggest that--postmodern
or not--our world is still, or perhaps again, one.
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Dream. 351-362.
-----. Content's Dream: Essays 1975-1984. Los Angeles:
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-----. "Living Tissue / Dead Ideas." Content's Dream.
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-----. "Semblance." Content's Dream. 34-39.
-----. "Socialist Realism or Real Socialism?" Content's
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-----. "Stray Straws and Straw Men." Content's Dream.
40-49.
-----. "Thought's Measure." Content's Dream.
61-86.
-----. "Three or Four Things I Know about Him." Content's
Dream.13-33.
Federman, Raymond. Critifiction: Postmodern Essays. Albany: State
University of New York Press, 1993.
-----. "Self-Reflexive Fiction or How to Get Rid of It." Critifiction:
Postmodern Essays. 17-34.
Perloff, Marjorie. The Poetics of Indeterminacy: Rimbaud to Cage.
Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981.
-----. "The Word as Such: L=A=N=G=U=A=G=E Poetry in the Eighties."
The Dance of the Intellect: Studies in the Poetry of the Pound Tradition.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985. 215-238.
Silliman, Ron. "New Prose, New Prose Poem." Postmodern Fiction:
A Bio-Bibliographical Guide. Ed. Larry McCaffery. New York: Greenwood
Press, 1986. 157-174.
Sukenick, Ronald. In Form: Digressions on the Act of Fiction.
Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 1985.
-----. "Introduction: Art and the Underground." In Form.
xiii-xxii.
-----. "Eight Digressions on the Politics of Language." In
Form. 49-65.
-----. "Experiment and Experience: My Life in Fiction." American
Book Review 10.5 (1988), 3-15.
-----. "Thirteen Digressions. In Form. 16-33.
-----. Up. New York: Dial Press, 1968.